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John Tyler was born on March 29, 1790, to a prominent slave-owning Virginia family in Charles City County. His father, John Tyler Sr., was a political friend and college roommate of Thomas Jefferson and served in the Virginia House of Delegates. Tyler became a state court judge, later governor of Virginia, and a judge on the U.S. District Court for the Eastern District of Virginia at Richmond. His wife, Mary Marot (Armistead), was the daughter of prominent New Kent County plantation owner Robert Booth Armistead. Tyler was raised on Greenway Plantation, a 1,200-acre estate with a manor house built by his father. At age 12, he entered the preparatory branch of the College of William and Mary, graduating in 1807. Tyler's economic views were shaped by Adam Smith's The Wealth of Nations and his love for William Shakespeare. Bishop James Madison served as a second father and mentor to Tyler. Tyler read the law with his father, then a state judge, and later with Edmund Randolph, former United States Attorney General. Tyler, a 19-year-old Virginia barrister, started his legal practice in Richmond, where his father was governor. According to the 1810 federal census, Tyler owned eight slaves in Richmond, possibly five in Henrico County, and 26 in Charles City County. After his father's death in 1813, Tyler purchased the Woodburn plantation, where he lived until 1821. As of 1820, Tyler owned 24 enslaved persons at Woodburn, after inheriting 13 from his father. However, only eight were listed as engaged in agriculture in the census. At 21, Tyler was elected to represent Charles City County in the House of Delegates in 1811. He served five consecutive terms, supporting states' rights and opposing a national bank. Tyler supported the censure of U.S. senators William Branch Giles and Richard Brent of Virginia who voted for the recharter of the First Bank of the United States, against Virginia legislature instructions. He also served on the Courts and Justice Committee. Tyler, a Southern American anti-British, advocated for military action during the War of 1812. After the British capture of Hampton, Virginia, he organized the Charles City Rifles to defend Richmond, which he commanded as a captain. However, no attack occurred, and the company was dissolved two months later. Tyler received a land grant for his military service. After his father's death, Tyler inherited 13 slaves and his plantation. In 1816, he resigned his legislative seat to serve on the Governor's Council of State. In 1816, the death of U.S. Representative John Clopton created a vacancy in Virginia's 23rd congressional district, which Tyler sought to fill. He narrowly won the election and was sworn into the Fourteenth Congress as a Democratic-Republican. Tyler's strict constructionist beliefs led him to reject proposals for a stronger central government after the War of 1812. He believed each state should construct necessary projects within its borders using locally generated funds. Tyler participated in an audit of the Second Bank of the United States in 1818, where he was appalled by corruption within the bank. He argued for the revocation of the bank charter, although Congress rejected any such proposal. Tyler's first clash with General Andrew Jackson occurred during the First Seminole War, and he condemned him for the execution of two British subjects. The Sixteenth Congress (1819-1821) focused on whether Missouri should be admitted to the Union and whether slavery would be permitted in the new state. Tyler hoped that allowing slavery to expand would lead to fewer slaves in the East and make it possible to abolish it in Virginia. However, Tyler believed Congress did not have the power to regulate slavery and that admitting states based on their status was a recipe for sectional conflict. Tyler declined to seek renomination in late 1820 due to his frequently ill health. He privately acknowledged his dissatisfaction with the position, as his opposing votes were largely symbolic and did little to change the political culture in Washington. He left office on March 3, 1821, endorsing his former opponent Stevenson for the seat and returning to private law practice full-time. In 1823, Tyler sought election to the House of Delegates and was elected easily, finishing first among three candidates. He faced debates about the upcoming presidential election in December, which he tried to convince the lower house to endorse the caucus system and choose William H. Crawford as the Democratic-Republican candidate. However, his proposal was defeated. Tyler's most enduring effort during this second legislative tenure was saving the College of William and Mary, which risked closure due to waning enrollment. Tyler proposed administrative and financial reforms, which were passed into law and achieved its highest enrollment by 1840. Tyler's political fortunes increased, and he was considered a possible candidate for the 1824 U.S. Senate election. He was nominated for governor of Virginia in December 1825, and was elected 131-81 over John Floyd. The office of governor was powerless under the original Virginia Constitution (1776–1830), lacking even veto authority. Tyler's most visible act as governor was delivering the funeral address for former president Jefferson, who had died on July 4, 1826. Tyler's governorship was uneventful, promoting states' rights and opposing any concentration of federal power. He suggested Virginia actively expand its road system to thwart federal infrastructure proposals. He was unanimously reelected to a second one-year term in December 1826. In 1829, Tyler was elected as a delegate to the Virginia Constitutional Convention of 1829–1830, serving alongside Chief Justice John Marshall, Philip N. Nicholas, and John B. Clopton. Tyler served in various capacities at a state level, including president of the Virginia Colonization Society and later as rector and chancellor of the College of William and Mary. In January 1827, the General Assembly voted on whether to elect U.S. Senator John Randolph for a six-year term. Randolph, a contentious figure with a reputation for fiery rhetoric and erratic behavior, had made enemies by opposing President John Quincy Adams and Kentucky Senator Henry Clay. The Democratic-Republican Party, which supported Adams and Clay, sought to unseat Randolph by capturing the vote of states' rights supporters. Tyler, a Democratic maverick, declined the offer and eventually agreed to accept the seat. However, supporters argued that Tyler's election would be a tacit endorsement of the Adams administration. Tyler was selected in a vote of 115-110 and resigned his governorship on March 4, 1827, as his Senate term began. Tyler, a prominent national political figure, was involved in the 1828 presidential campaign, which saw incumbent President Adams challenged by Andrew Jackson. Tyler disliked both candidates for their commitment to increasing federal government power but was drawn to Jackson, hoping that he would not spend as much federal money on internal improvements. He served alongside Virginia colleague Littleton Waller Tazewell, who shared his strict constructionist views and uneasy support of Jackson. Throughout his tenure, Tyler vigorously opposed national infrastructure bills, believing these were matters for individual states to decide. He unsuccessfully opposed the protectionist Tariff of 1828, known as the "Tariff of Abominations," and suggested that the tariff's only positive outcome would be a national political backlash, restoring respect for states' rights. Tyler was at odds with President Jackson, frustrated by Jackson's spoils system and voting against many of his nominations when they appeared unconstitutional or motivated by patronage. In some matters, Tyler was on good terms with Jackson, defending him for vetoing the Maysville Road funding project and confirming several of Jackson's appointments, including his future running mate Martin Van Buren as United States Minister to Britain. The leading issue in the 1832 presidential election was the recharter of the Second Bank of the United States, which both Tyler and Jackson opposed. Congress voted to recharter the bank in July 1832, and Jackson vetoed the bill for constitutional and practical reasons. Tyler voted to sustain the veto and endorsed Jackson in his successful bid for reelection. Tyler's relationship with his party deteriorated during the 22nd Congress, as the nullification crisis of 1832-1833 began. South Carolina passed the Ordinance of Nullification in November 1832, declaring the "Tariff of Abominations" null and void within its borders. This raised the constitutional question of whether states could nullify federal laws. Jackson, who denied such a right, prepared to sign a Force Bill allowing the federal government to use military action to enforce the tariff. Tyler, who sympathized with South Carolina's reasons for nullification, rejected Jackson's use of military force against a state and gave a speech in February 1833 outlining his views. He supported Clay's Compromise Tariff, enacted that year, to gradually reduce the tariff over ten years, alleviating tensions between the states and the federal government. Tyler knew that voting against the Force Bill would permanently alienate the pro-Jackson faction of the Virginia legislature, even those who had tolerated his irregularity up to this point. This jeopardized his reelection in February 1833, in which he faced the pro-administration Democrat James McDowell. With Clay's endorsement, Tyler was reelected by a margin of 12 votes. Jackson further offended Tyler by moving to dissolve the Bank by executive fiat. In September 1833, Jackson issued an executive order directing Treasury Secretary Roger B. Taney to transfer federal funds from the Bank to state-chartered banks immediately. Tyler saw this as a flagrant assumption of power, a breach of contract, and a threat to the economy. After months of agonizing, Tyler decided to join with Jackson's opponents and voted for two censure resolutions against the president in March 1834. The Democrats took control of the Virginia House of Delegates, and Tyler was offered a judgeship in exchange for resigning his seat. He understood that the legislature would soon force him to vote against his constitutional beliefs. By mid-February, he felt that his Senate career was likely at an end. He issued a letter of resignation to Vice President Van Buren on February 29, 1836, stating that he would carry with him the principles he brought with him into public life. Tyler, a prominent national political figure, was nominated as a vice presidential candidate in the 1836 presidential election. The Virginia Whigs, a faction of the Whig Party, had a weak coalition, with Massachusetts Whigs nominating Daniel Webster and Francis Granger, the Anti-Masons supporting William Henry Harrison and Granger, and states' rights advocates nominating Hugh Lawson White and John Tyler. Tyler hoped to be one of the top two vote-getters, which would be chosen by the Senate under the Twelfth Amendment. Tyler stayed home throughout the campaign and made no speeches. He received only 47 electoral votes from Georgia, South Carolina, and Tennessee, trailing Granger and Democratic candidate Richard Mentor Johnson. Harrison was the leading Whig candidate for president, but lost to Van Buren. The presidential election was settled by the Electoral College, but the vice-presidential election was decided by the Senate, which selected Johnson over Granger on the first ballot. Tyler, a U.S. senator from Virginia, served as a member of the state constitutional convention from October 1829 to January 1830. The original Virginia Constitution gave outsize influence to the state's conservative eastern counties, but Tyler supported the existing system but remained on the sidelines to avoid alienating any political factions. He focused on his Senate career and gave speeches during the convention promoting compromise and unity. After the 1836 election, Tyler thought his political career was over and planned to return to private law practice. In 1837, he sold a sizable property in Williamsburg and successfully sought election to the House of Delegates, taking his seat in 1838. His third delegate service touched on national issues such as the sale of public lands. Tyler's successor in the Senate was conservative Democrat William Cabell Rives. In February 1839, the General Assembly considered who should fill the vacant Senate seat, which was to expire the following month. Rives had drifted away from his party, signaling a possible alliance with the Whigs. Tyler expected the Whigs to support him, but many Whigs found Rives a more politically expedient choice to ally with the conservative wing of the Democratic Party in the 1840 presidential election. With the vote split among three candidates, the Senate seat remained vacant for almost two years until January 1841. In 1839, the Whig National Convention in Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, chose the party's ticket amid a recession following the Panic of 1837. The head of the Whig ticket, Harrison, Clay, and General Winfield Scott, sought the nomination. Tyler attended the convention and was with the Virginia delegation, although he had no official status. Due to bitterness over the unresolved Senate election, the Virginia delegation refused to make Tyler its favorite son candidate for vice president. Tyler did nothing to aid his chances, and if his favored candidate for the presidential nomination, Clay, was successful, he would likely not be chosen for the second place on the ticket, which would probably go to a Northerner to assure geographic balance. The convention deadlocked among the three main candidates, with Virginia's votes going to Clay. Many Northern Whigs opposed Clay, and some, including Pennsylvania's Thaddeus Stevens, showed the Virginians a letter by Scott in which he apparently displayed abolitionist sentiments. The influential Virginia delegation announced that Harrison was its second choice, causing most Scott supporters to abandon him in favor of Harrison, who gained the presidential nomination. Tyler was considered a logical candidate as a Southern slaveowner, balanced the ticket, and assuaged fears of Southerners who felt Harrison might have abolitionist leanings. He had been a vice-presidential candidate in 1836, and having him on the ticket might win Virginia, the most populous state in the South. Tyler was accused of having gained the nomination by concealing his views, but his biographer Robert Seager II held that he was selected because of a dearth of alternative candidates. The Whig Party, led by George Harrison and William Tyler, faced opposition from Van Buren and his Democrats for the recession. They initially hoped to muzzle Harrison and Tyler, but after Tyler's Democratic rival, Vice President Johnson, made a successful speaking tour, Tyler was called upon to address a local convention in Columbus, Ohio. He made speeches at rallies, but was eventually asked to admit that he supported the Compromise Tariff. To win the election, Whig leaders decided to mobilize people across the country, including women, who could not vote. This was the first time an American political party included women in campaign activities on a widespread scale. Women in Tyler's Virginia were active on his behalf. The party hoped to avoid issues and win through public enthusiasm, with torchlight processions and alcohol-fueled political rallies. The log cabin campaign was born when the Democratic press depicted Harrison as an old soldier, who would turn aside from his campaign if given a barrel of hard cider to drink in his log cabin. The Whigs eagerly seized on the image, focusing on Harrison's military service and the well-known campaign jingle, "Tippecanoe and Tyler Too". Glee clubs sprouted all over the country, singing patriotic and inspirational songs. Clay, embittered by another defeat for the presidency, was appeased by Tyler's withdrawal from the Senate race and campaigning in Virginia for the Harrison/Tyler ticket. Tyler predicted the Whigs would easily take Virginia, but was consoled by an overall victory. Van Buren took only seven states out of 26. The Whigs gained control of both houses of Congress. As vice president-elect, John Tyler remained in Williamsburg, hoping that Harrison would prove decisive and prevent intrigue in the Cabinet during the first days of the administration. Tyler did not participate in selecting the Cabinet or recommend anyone for federal office in the new Whig administration. Harrison was beset by office seekers and the demands of Senator Clay, who sent Tyler letters asking his advice on whether a Van Buren appointee should be dismissed. Tyler recommended against this, and Harrison wrote, "Mr. Tyler says they ought not to be removed, and I will not remove them." Tyler was sworn in on March 4, 1841, and delivered a three-minute speech about states' rights before swearing in the new senators and attending Harrison's inauguration. After the inauguration, Tyler returned to the Senate to receive the president's Cabinet nominations and presiding over the confirmations the following day. He then left Washington, expecting few responsibilities, returning to his home in Williamsburg. Harrison struggled to keep up with the demands of Clay and others seeking offices and influence in his administration. His age and fading health were no secret during the campaign, and the question of presidential succession was on every politician's mind. After being caught in a rainstorm in late March, Harrison fell ill with pneumonia and pleurisy. Tyler decided not to travel to Washington, not wanting to appear unseemly in anticipating his death. The death of Harrison in office led to significant uncertainty about presidential succession. The United States Constitution, which governed intra-term presidential succession at the time, stated that the actual office of president devolved upon the Vice President. Tyler, who was sworn in as president immediately after Harrison's death, asserted that the Constitution gave him the full and unqualified powers of the office. This set a critical precedent for an orderly transfer of power following a president's death, though it was not codified until the passage of the 25th Amendment in 1967. Tyler, at 51, became the youngest president to that point, surpassing his immediate successor James Polk. Fearing that he would alienate Harrison's supporters, Tyler decided to keep Harrison's entire cabinet even though several members were openly hostile to him and resented his assumption of the office. Tyler delivered an informal written inaugural address to Congress on April 9, reasserting his belief in fundamental tenets of Jeffersonian democracy and limited federal power. Opposition members of Congress, such as John Quincy Adams, John Clay, and Mississippi Senator Robert J. Walker, questioned Tyler's authority. On May 31, 1841, the House passed a joint resolution confirming Tyler as "President of the United States" for the remainder of his term. On June 1, 1841, the Senate voted in favor of the resolution, with Senators Clay and John C. Calhoun voting with the majority to reject Walker's amendment. Tyler's opponents never fully accepted him as president, but he held a limited view of presidential power, believing that legislation should be initiated by Congress and the presidential veto should only be used when a law was unconstitutional or against the national interest. Tyler, like Harrison, was expected to follow Whig Party Congressional public policies and defer to Whig party leader Clay. The Whigs demanded that Tyler curb veto power, in response to Jackson's perceived authoritarian presidency. Tyler initially agreed with the new Whig Congress, signing the preemption bill granting "squatters' sovereignty" to settlers on public land, a Distribution Act, a new bankruptcy law, and the repeal of the Independent Treasury. However, Tyler was at odds with the Congressional Whigs when it came to the great banking question. He twice vetoed Clay's legislation for a national banking act, which became known as "heading Captain Tyler." Tyler proposed an alternative fiscal plan called the "Exchequer," but Clay's friends controlled Congress would not approve. On September 11, 1841, after the second bank veto, members of the cabinet resigned, with only Webster remaining to finalize the 1842 Webster-Ashburton Treaty. Tyler was lambasted by Whig newspapers and received hundreds of letters threatening his assassination. On September 13, when the president did not resign or give in, the Whigs in Congress expelled Tyler from the party. In mid-1841, the federal government faced a projected budget deficit of $11 million. Tyler recognized the need for higher tariffs but wished to stay within the 20% rate created by the 1833 Compromise Tariff. He also supported a plan to distribute revenue from the sales of public land to the states as an emergency measure to manage the states' growing debt, even though this would cut federal revenue. The Whigs supported high protectionist tariffs and national funding of state infrastructure, so there was enough overlap to forge a compromise. The Distribution Act of 1841 created a distribution program with a ceiling on tariffs at 20%, and a second bill increased tariffs to that figure on previously low-tax goods. However, by March 1842, it had become clear that the federal government was still in dire fiscal straits. The root of the trouble was an economic crisis initiated by the Panic of 1837, which was entering its sixth year in 1842. A speculative bubble had burst in 1836-39, causing a collapse of the financial sector and a subsequent depression. The country became deeply divided over the best response to the crisis. Tyler lamented that it would be necessary to override the Compromise Tariff of 1833 and raise rates beyond the 20 percent limit, suspending the distribution program and giving all revenues to the federal government. In May 1841, President Tyler appointed three private citizens to investigate fraud in the New York Customs House, led by George Poindexter. The commission uncovered fraudulent activities by Jesse D. Hoyt, the New York Collector under Van Buren. The Whig-controlled Congress demanded the investigation report, which Tyler paid without Congressional approval. Tyler responded that it was his constitutional duty to enforce laws. The report was completed in April 1842, and it proved embarrassing to the Whig New York Collector and Hoyt. Congress passed an appropriations law to curb Tyler's power, making it illegal for the president to appoint money to investigators without Congressional approval. After the tariff vetoes, Whigs in the House of Representatives initiated the first impeachment proceedings against President Tyler. Tyler's actions were in opposition to Congress' presumed authority to make policy. Congressman John Botts introduced an impeachment resolution on July 10, 1842, levied nine formal articles of impeachment for "high crimes and misdemeanors" against Tyler. Botts called for a nine-member committee to investigate Tyler's behavior, expecting a formal impeachment recommendation. However, Clay found this measure prematurely aggressive and favored a more moderate progression toward Tyler's "inevitable" impeachment. A House select committee headed by John Quincy Adams condemned Tyler's use of the veto and assailed his character. The House endorsed the committee's report in August 1842. Adams sponsored a constitutional amendment to change both houses' two-thirds requirement for overriding vetoes to a simple majority, but neither house approved it. The Whigs were unable to pursue further impeachment proceedings in the subsequent 28th Congress. On the last full day of Tyler's term in office, March 3, 1845, Congress overrode his veto of a minor bill relating to revenue cutters. Tyler was not without support in Congress, including fellow Virginia Congressman Henry Wise. A few House members, known as the "Corporal's Guard," led by Wise, supported Tyler throughout his struggles with the Whigs. Tyler, a prominent figure in American foreign policy, advocated for expansionism and free trade, emphasizing national destiny and liberty. He sent lawyer Caleb Cushing to negotiate the Treaty of Wanghia in China and Henry Wheaton to Berlin to negotiate a trade agreement with the Zollverein. However, the treaty was rejected by the Whigs, indicating hostility towards the Tyler administration. Tyler advocated for increased military strength, which led to a significant increase in warships. In an 1842 special message to Congress, Tyler applied the Monroe Doctrine to Hawaii, preventing Britain from intervening, leading to the eventual annexation of Hawaii by the United States. His administration and cabinet were influenced by Jackson's efforts to promote American commerce across the Pacific. The Aroostook War, which ended in 1839, led to a foreign crisis between Maine and New Brunswick citizens over disputed territory. In 1841, an American ship carrying slaves was captured by the British, and the British refused to return them. Secretary of State Daniel Webster, with Tyler's support, sought to settle the matter with England. In 1842, the British sent emissary Lord Ashburton to the United States, leading to favorable negotiations that culminated in the Webster-Ashburton Treaty, which determined the border between Maine and Canada. The treaty improved Anglo-American diplomatic relations and granted the "right to visit" to ships suspected of holding slaves. Additionally, a joint oceanic venture between a U.S. squadron and the British fleet was agreed to stop slave trafficking off African waters. The Oregon border issue was also attempted to be resolved during the Webster-Ashburton Treaty. The British wanted to divide the territory on the Columbia River, which Webster demanded Britain pressure Mexico to cede California's San Francisco Bay to the U.S. The Tyler administration was unsuccessful in concluding a treaty with the British to fix Oregon's boundaries. Tyler, during his presidency, had a keen interest in the Oregon Territory, which stretched from California's northern boundary to Alaska's southern boundary. He urged Congress to establish a chain of American forts to protect American settlers on the route to Oregon. Tyler's presidency saw two successful western explorations, including Oregon, Wyoming, and California. Captain John C. Frémont completed two interior scientific expeditions, opening the West to American emigration. In 1842, Frémont climbed Frémont's Peak in Wyoming and planted an American flag. In 1843, he entered Oregon and mapped Mount St. Helens and Mount Hood. Frémont's return from his second expedition led to Tyler promoting him with a double brevet. In May 1842, during the Dorr Rebellion in Rhode Island, Tyler considered sending federal troops to suppress the insurgents under Thomas Dorr. Tyler called for calm and suggested enlarging the franchise to allow most men to vote. He promised to use force if an actual insurrection broke out, but only if it was initiated. Tyler believed the rebels had dispersed and expressed confidence in a "temper of conciliation and energy and decision" without federal forces. The rebels fled the state when the state militia marched against them, leading to broader suffrage in the state. The Seminoles, the last remaining Indians in the South, were induced to sign a fraudulent treaty in 1833, taking away their lands. Under Chief Osceola, they resisted removal for a decade. President Tyler brought the Seminole War to an end in May 1842, expressing interest in forced cultural assimilation of Native Americans. In May 1842, the House demanded information from President Tyler's Secretary of War John Spencer about an investigation into alleged Cherokee frauds. Tyler, whose executive privilege was challenged, insisted the matter was ex parte and against public interest. The House responded with resolutions, including ordering the Army officer responsible for the investigation to turn over the information. Tyler made no response until Congress returned from recess in January. During President Tyler's term, several cabinet nominees were rejected due to political battles with the Whigs in Congress. Tyler received little support from Democrats and the major parties in Congress, leading to the rejection of nominees without regard for qualifications. This was unprecedented, as it was the first time a president's nominees were rejected. Four of Tyler's Cabinet nominees were rejected, including Caleb Cushing (Treasury), David Henshaw (Navy), James Porter (War), and James S. Green (Treasury). Henshaw and Porter served as recess appointees before their rejections. Cushing was repeatedly renominated, but was rejected three times in one day. No cabinet nomination failed after Tyler's term until Henry Stanbery's nomination as Attorney General was rejected by the Senate in 1868. During Tyler's presidency, two Supreme Court vacancies arose due to the deaths of Justices Smith Thompson and Henry Baldwin in 1843 and 1844, respectively. Tyler, at odds with Congress, nominated several men to fill these seats, but the Senate voted against confirming them. Tyler's four unsuccessful nominees are the most by a president. In February 1845, Tyler's nomination of Samuel Nelson to Thompson's seat was confirmed by the Senate, surprising. Baldwin's seat remained vacant until Robert Grier was confirmed in 1846. Tyler was able to appoint only six other federal judges, all to United States district courts. The annexation of Texas and early attempts to annex Texas were also significant events during Tyler's presidency. Tyler, as president, prioritized the annexation of Texas, despite the Whigs and Democrats' opposition. Texas had declared independence from Mexico in 1836, but Mexico refused to acknowledge its sovereignty. Tyler's administration focused on annexing Texas, but Secretary Webster opposed it. Tyler's desire for western expansionism is acknowledged by historians and scholars, but views differ on the motivations behind it. Biographer Edward C. Crapol notes that Tyler suggested dispersing slavery to disperse the "dark cloud" and encourage emancipation in Virginia and other upper Southern states. Historian William W. Freehling suggests that Tyler's official motivation was to outmaneuver Britain's efforts to promote emancipation in Texas, which would weaken the institution in the United States. In 1843, after completing the Webster-Ashburton treaty, John Tyler decided to pursue Texas as his only pathway to independent election in 1844. He played "political hardball" by sending his ally Thomas Walker Gilmer to publish a letter defending annexation. Tyler forced Webster's resignation and installed Hugh S. Legaré as interim Secretary of State. With the help of Treasury Secretary John C. Spencer, Tyler replaced officeholders with pro-annexation partisans. He elicited the help of political organizer Michael Walsh to build a political machine in New York. In exchange for an appointment as consul to Hawaii, journalist Alexander G. Abell wrote a flattering biography, Life of John Tyler. Tyler embarked on a nationwide tour in the spring of 1843, but the tour was canceled due to Legaré's sudden death. Tyler appointed Abel P. Upshur as Secretary of State and nominated Gilmer to fill Upshur's former office. They began negotiations with the Texas government, promising military protection from Mexico in exchange for annexation. Upshur planted rumors of possible British designs on Texas to garner support among Northern voters.
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